Export
Subsidies Policies - EXIM of Saudi Arabia
|
Saudi
Arabian planners say that there is no export subsidy program for
industrial projects. Because feed stock prices are relatively low
in Saudi Arabia, industrial production in petroleum and related
downstream products is comparatively attractive. The government
argues that this is simply a reflection of the low cost of
domestic oil production. In October 1997, the Minister of
Petroleum and Mineral Resources announced a 50% across-the-board
increase in natural gas prices from $.50/million btu to
$.75/million btu. The government has reduced subsidies to
agriculture, which has resulted in reduced agricultural production
available for export.
1.
General Policy Framework
Saudi
Arabia prides itself on being a free market economy. Government
policies tend to encourage commercial enterprise, but a strict
interpretation of Islamic mores limits the range of policy options
as well as that of commercial endeavors. Since about 1970, Saudi
Arabia has published a series of five-year development plans,
focusing on infrastructure and industrialization. Development
plans, however, are presented as planning tools, not as
centralized controls, and the government takes pains to exhort
that its development plans rely on heavy private sector
involvement. The oil and government sectors are the engines of the
economy. Parastatal enterprises (e.g., Saudi Aramco, Saudi Basic
Industries Corporation (SABIC), Saudi Arabian Airlines (SAUDIA))
tend to dominate the corporate economy, and spending decisions
taken by these few large companies reverberate throughout the
economy. Concerned with the security challenges posed by neighbors
such as Iran and Iraq, Saudi Arabia seeks sufficient military and
security resources to protect its territory and the pilgrims who
visit the two Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina. These
requirements have made the kingdom a large buyer of advanced
military technology, as manpower resources are limited. In 1996,
oil sector revenues comprised an estimated 40% of GDP, and an
estimated 75% of budget revenues. Other government revenues,
including items such as customs duties, investment income, and
fees for services, are to a large degree indirectly tied to oil,
as capital available for consumption and investment is generally
derived from oil receipts. In addition, the manufacturing and
services sectors are largely dependent on petroleum and
petrochemical activities. Starting with the oil boom of the early
1970s, Saudi Arabia maintained annual budget surpluses until 1983,
when the decline in oil prices led to the first budget deficit.
These deficits have continued for the past 14 years. Initially,
the deficits were financed by a draw down of foreign exchange
reserves. Starting in 1987, the government began financing
deficits by issuing government bonds, and taking loans from
domestic banks. The government has also accrued substantial
arrearages to the private sector over the past decade, though
these were paid down substantially in 1996 with unanticipated oil
revenues. After this run of budget deficits, Saudi Arabia
experienced an increase in oil revenues in 1996. Spending in 1996
exceeded the budget by $12 billion, but because of high oil
revenues, the government achieved its deficit target of 4.5
billion. Oil revenues appear higher than anticipated for 1997 as
well.
Money
supply is regulated through the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA),
which has statutory authority to set monetary reserve requirements for
Saudi Arabian banks, impose limits on their total loan portfolio, and
regulate the minimum ratio of domestic assets to their total assets.
It also manages the bond market, and can repurchase development bonds
and treasury bills on a modest scale to provide liquidity. SAMA
oversees a financial sector consisting of eleven commercial banks. The
Ministry of Finance oversees five specialized credit banking
institutions.
2.
Exchange Rate Policy
The
exchange rate for the Saudi Arabian riyal (sr) is sr 3.75 = $1.00.
This rate has been consistent since 1986. Officially, the riyal is
pegged to the IMF's special drawing rights (SDR) at sr 4.28255 = sdr
1. There are no taxes on the purchase or sale of foreign exchange.
Generally speaking, there are few foreign exchange controls for either
residents or nonresidents, in keeping with the government policy to
encourage an open economy of the few restrictions, the most noteworthy
are: Commercial transactions with Israel and Israeli-registered
corporations are prohibited, as are transactions with Iraq; local
banks are prohibited from inviting foreign banks to participate in
riyal-dominated transactions without prior SAMA approval; gold is
freely traded, held, and shipped, except that gold of 14 karats or
less is prohibited.
3.
Structural Policies
The
government maintains price controls for basic utilities, energy, and
many agricultural products. Water and electricity, for most consumers,
are believed to be subsidized, with consumer prices often below the
cost of production (especially for potable water). Petroleum products
and feedstocks for petrochemical industries are provided at below
world pricing, reflecting discounts for efficiencies in production and
transport. The government maintains that local petroleum prices that
are below world average (e.g., a gallon of gasoline sells for $.67 at
the pump) reflect the low costs of production. Nonetheless, the effect
of these low prices is that petroleum products, including many
petrochemicals, are sold in Saudi Arabia at prices that effectively
eliminate competing imports. Agricultural subsidies were dramatically
curtailed in the early 1990's and have been reduced in the two most
recent budgets, in line with the government's deficit reduction plans.
The Saudi Arabian Government imposes few taxes, relying on oil
revenues, customs duties, and licensing fees for most government
revenue. Saudi Arabian nationals pay no income tax, but are obliged to
pay "zakat," a 2.5% Islamic assessment based on wealth (not
income). Zakat is designed to support the Islamic community (e.g., to
pay for hospitals, schools, support for the indigent). Foreign
companies and self-employed foreigners pay an income tax, but do not
pay zakat. Business income tax rates range from 25% on profits of less
than $26,667 to a maximum rate of 45% for profits of more than
$266,667. Some foreign investors avoid taxation either in part or
totally, by taking advantage of various investment incentives, such as
10-year tax holidays for investments in approved projects meeting
specified requirements. Import tariffs range around 12% ad valorem
(CIF), with the exception of products imported from other member
states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, which pay no tariff. Certain
specified essential commodities (e.g., defense purchases) are not
subject to custom duties. Saudi Arabia also levies a maximum 20%
tariff on products that compete with local "infant"
industries.
4.
Debt Management Policies
Saudi
Arabia is a net creditor in world financial markets. SAMA manages a
portfolio of foreign investments of over $50 billion in its issues and
banking departments, and an estimated $15 billion for autonomous
government institutions, i.e., the Saudi Pension Fund, the Saudi Fund
for Development, and the General Organization for Social Insurance.
Under SAMA's definitions, about $10-15 billion of the $50 billion
investment portfolio is available, with the remainder designated to
guarantee the Saudi riyal or letters of credit. In addition to
overseas assets managed by SAMA, the commercial banking system has an
estimated net foreign asset position of $14.0 billion. Foreign debt,
which stood at a level of $1.8 billion at the beginning of 1995, was
retired in May of that year. The government of Saudi Arabia borrwoed
$4.3 billion in December 1997 to finance the purchase of aircraft.
Domestic banks, Saudi Aramco, and other state-owned enterprises,
however, have overseas liabilities. Government borrowing has a short
history in Saudi Arabia. The government began borrowing to finance
budget deficits in 1987, by selling government development bonds
having two-to-five year maturities. After the massive defense
expenditures of the 1991 Gulf War, the government expanded its
borrowing by signing loan syndications with international and domestic
banks, and by introducing treasury bills. This debt, owed mainly to
domestic creditors, such as autonomous government institutions,
commercial banks, and individuals, ballooned to about $100 billion in
early 1997. In addition, the government issued a series of bonds to
farmers and some other private sector creditors (mainly contractors)
for past due amounts. Paying down this debt is now a focus of
government concern